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The Lies of George W. Bush: Mastering the Politics of Deception Kindle Edition
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All American presidents have lied, but George W. Bush has relentlessly abused the truth. In this scathing indictment of the president and his inner circle, David Corn, the Washington editor of The Nation, reveals and examines the deceptions at the heart of the Bush presidency. In a stunning work of journalism, he details and substantiates the many times the Bush administration has knowingly and intentionally misled the American public to advance its own interests and agenda, including:
* Brazenly mischaracterizing intelligence and resorting to deceptive arguments to whip up public support for war with Iraq
* Misrepresenting the provisions and effects of the president’s supersized tax cuts
* Offering misleading explanations— instead of telling the full truth — about the 9/11 attacks
* Lying about connections to corporate crooks
* Presenting deceptive and disingenuous claims to sell controversial policies on the environment, stem cell research, missile defense, Social Security, white-collar crime, abortion, energy, and other crucial issues
* Running a truth-defying, down-and-dirty campaign during the 2000 presidential contest and recount drama
The Lies of George W. Bush is not a partisan whine—it is instead a carefully constructed, fact-based account that clearly denotes how Bush has relied on deception—from the campaign trail to the Oval Office—to win political and policy battles. With wit and style, Corn explains how Bush has managed to get away with it and explores the dangerous consequences of such presidential deceit in a perilous age.
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherCrown
- Publication dateMay 25, 2004
- File size1005 KB
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Washington journalist David Corn takes a gloves-off look at President Bush’s public record and finds a disturbing array of White House whoppers. With biting wit and sharp-eyed skepticism, Corn finds a pattern of deception too sweeping and consistent to be dismissed casually as ‘spin’ or “misstatements.’ A valuable look at how often and effortlessly the man who campaigned on the lofty principles of ‘responsibility’ and ‘accountability’ has evaded both.”—Clarence Page, syndicated columnist for the Chicago Tribune
“One of the oddest aspects of the Bush presidency has been how reluctant journalists are to report that Bush lies. Reporters who jumped on Bill Clinton for disingenuous hair-splitting and piled on Al Gore for harmless exaggerations have given George W. Bush pass after pass after pass. No longer. Veteran journalist David Corn has collected all the glaring evidence. With flair, he skewers Bush and shows—beyond question—that the fellow in the White House has manhandled the truth about Iraq, the war on terrorism, tax cuts, global warming, stem cells, and other crucial issues, as well as his own past. Here are the lies you remember and the lies you don’t. Get ready to get mad. Corn has cut through the spin and craft...
From Publishers Weekly
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
"I have been very candid about my past."
"It's time to restore honor and dignity to the White House." So declared George W. Bush during the 2000 presidential campaign. In one of his first ads, an earnest-sounding Bush told television viewers in Iowa he would "return honor and integrity" to the Oval Office. His promise to escort these values back to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue--after you-know-who had done you-know-what in the Oval Office and then lied about it--was often the emotional crescendo of Bush's stump speech. With solemnity, Bush told the crowds that, should he be fortunate enough to win the election, on the day of his inauguration he would not only lift his hand and swear to uphold the Constitution, he would swear to uphold the "honor and the integrity" of the presidency. His supporters ate this up and cheered wildly.
Bush's professed commitment to honesty was a constant chorus during the campaign. It was also a false claim. As he barnstormed across the country, Bush left a wide wake of distortions and deceits.
He was no pioneer in this regard. To campaign is to abuse the truth. Candidates exaggerate their assets, discount their liabilities, hype their accomplishments, downplay their failures. They hail their proposals and dismiss the doubts, often fiddling with the facts to do so. A certain amount of shiftiness is understandable, perhaps even acceptable. But in seeking the presidency of the United States, George W. Bush did more than fudge and finagle. He lied about the basics--about his past, about his record as governor of Texas, about the programs he was promising, about his opponents, about the man he was, and about the president he would be. Not occasionally, but consistently. Which meant he lied about a central element of his candidacy: that he was a forthright fellow who would indeed bring integrity to the Oval Office. His honest-man routine was a campaign-concocted illusion.
The many lies he told not only served his immediate interests (getting elected), they established the foundation for the deceptions that would come when he reached the White House. The origins of much of Bush's presidential dissembling can be found in the 2000 campaign. In that endeavor, Bush and his handlers fine-tuned a political style that included the frequent deployment of misleading statements, half-true assertions, or flat-out lies. Perhaps most importantly, during the campaign, Bush and his colleagues could see that lying worked, that it was a valuable tool. It allowed them to present Bush, his past, and his initiatives in the most favorable, though not entirely truthful, terms--to deny reality when reality was inconvenient. It got them out of jams. It won them not scorn but votes. It made the arduous task of winning the presidency easier. And the campaign, as it turned out, would be merely a test run for the administration to follow.
"I don't get coached."
Bush began his campaign with a lie. On June 12, 1999, he flew into Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and before several hundred spectators corralled into a hangar, announced he would be a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination. For months prior to joining the 2000 parade, Bush had been promoting himself as a "uniter-not-a-divider." In the hangar, he also presented himself as a tried-and-true moral leader. "Some people think it is inappropriate to draw a moral line," he said. "Not me. For our children to have the lives we want for them. They must learn to say yes to responsibility, yes to family, yes to honesty." The Texas governor, who had been reelected to his second term the previous November, maintained: "I've learned you cannot lead by dividing people. This country is hungry for a new style of campaign. Positive. Hopeful. Inclusive." He vowed, "We will prove that someone who is conservative and compassionate can win without sacrificing principle. We will show that politics, after a time of tarnished ideals, can be higher and better. We will give our country a fresh start after a season of cynicism."
Bush told his supporters and the assembled reporters, "I've learned to lead." As proof of that, he asserted, "I don't run polls to tell me what to think." Take that, Bill Clinton. No polls, no negative politics, no self-serving calculations, no ideological or partisan harshness, no more cynical spin, no more falsehoods. But it was all feigned.
Bush's announcement speech was evidence he would be mounting a truth-defying campaign. Before he delivered this kickoff speech, his campaign had held focus groups in South Carolina, Michigan, and California. At these sessions, according to Roger Simon, the chief political correspondent of U.S. News & World Report, the Bush operatives played footage of Bush and asked the people present to turn a knob one way if they liked what they were seeing and hearing and another way if they did not. All this led to a computer-generated graph line superimposed over the film, so Bush and his crew could determine which lines, words, and methods of delivery scored well and which ones stank. Political pros call this people-metering. Using this information, Bush's chief speechwriter, Michael Gerson, produced 16 draft versions of what would become Bush's standard campaign stump speech, according to the New York Times. True, Bush did not pledge not to use this particular device. But he certainly was eager to create the impression he was an I-am-what-I-am politician who would deliver, if nothing else, authenticity. In a later interview, he asserted, "I campaign the way I campaign. And I don't get coached." But do uncoached candidates use people-meters? And this was no anomaly. Toward the end of the campaign, Time would report that Bush was routinely using focus groups to test key phrases he used on the stump: "personal accounts," "school choice," "education recession."
Pretending to be a straight-shooter who eschewed the cynical mechanics of modern-day politics was but a small contradiction of the image Bush offered his followers in that Iowa hangar. Over the next 18 months, he would engage in business as usual--nasty ads, pandering, expedience-driven position-shifting, cover-ups, and assorted spinning. He would not deliver a "fresh start." Rather, he would embrace--though not in public--most of what he decried about politics. All this would be done to mount a false advertising campaign about a product he knew well: George W. Bush.
"I've got a record not of rhetoric, but a record of results."
As soon as Bush crashed the race--which already had a crowded field--he was the lead cowboy. He had the name, the money, the endorsements, the organization. And he had a clever slogan: he was the "compassionate conservative." The most dangerous threat Bush faced was himself--that is, his reputation as a less-than-serious, smirkful, syntax-challenged fellow who would rarely be mistaken for an intellectual heavyweight. And in the opening months of his campaign, he had a knack for providing the skeptics evidence. He called the Greeks "Grecians." He could not identify the leaders of Pakistan, India, and Chechnya. Asked which rendition of the Ten Commandments he preferred--Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish--he replied, "the standard one," suggesting he had no clue each religion recognizes different versions.
With his not-yet-presidential manner and his miscues on global matters, Bush faced the charge (from Democrats and some Republicans) that he did not possess sufficient candlepower for the job. But for the doubters, he had a stock response, which he would repeat throughout the campaign: look at my record. Bush was arguing that his stint as governor of the nation's second-largest state--with an economy larger than that of all but ten nations in the world--trumped his lack of foreign policy experience, his odd speech patterns, and his missing gravitas. His accomplishments in Texas were his credentials and showed he was both a fiscal conservative and a "compassionate" conservative. As he said at a Republican debate in Iowa, "I've got a record not of rhetoric, but a record of results. In my state, I led our state to the two biggest tax cuts in the state's history. Our test scores for our students are up." He also claimed Texas air had gotten cleaner on his watch, that he had passed a patients' bill of rights, that he had expanded a children's health insurance program. This was quite an impressive run-down--but it was counterfeit.
Being a champion of tax cuts--past and future--was one of Bush's key selling points. At one debate he called himself "a tax-cutting person." He bragged about those "two largest tax cuts" he achieved in Texas, and he boasted in a campaign ad, "we still have no personal income tax." Lowering taxes was Exhibit Number 1 in his claim he had been a successful governor.
But this declaration was part Texas tall-tale, and part muddy water. He had not had to do anything to keep Texas from adopting a personal income tax. An amendment to the state constitution--proposed and approved by a Democratic-controlled legislature before Bush took office--prohibited the imposition of an income tax without a voter referendum. Bush was assuming credit for a policy established before he had arrived in Austin.
As for those two big tax cuts, the true results were not much to boast about. Taxes were lowered for some, but much of the enacted tax cuts ended up being largely offset by other tax hikes made necessary by the cuts Bush was hailing. As he campaigned, Bush glossed over the real story of the Texas tax cuts and even mischaracterized the changes he had actually sought.
In 1997, Bush had proposed a major tax overhaul that would lower school property taxes but that would also raise the sales tax and impose a new business activity tax. The plan was a direct violation of a promise he had made in 199... --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From the Inside Flap
David Corns The Lies of George W. Bush is as hard-hitting an attack as has been leveled against the current president. Los Angeles Times
George W. Bush is a liar. He has lied large and small, directly and by omission. He has mugged the truthnot merely in honest error, but deliberately, consistently, and repeatedly.
In this scathing indictment of the president and his inner circle, David Corn reveals the deceptions at the heart of the Bush presidency. With wit and style, Corn details how the Bush administration has consistently lied to the American public to advance its own interests, from mischaracterizing intelligence to whip up support for war with Iraq to misrepresenting the possible consequences of his supersized tax cut and offering false claims to push a radical agenda on crucial issues across the board. In this unflinching work of hard-hitting journalism, Corn explains how Bush has managed to get away with it and explores the danger of presidential deceit in a perilous age. This paperback edition also includes an up-to-date analysis of the aftermath of the war with Iraq. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
About the Author
From the Hardcover edition. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From the Back Cover
“Washington journalist David Corn takes a gloves-off look at President Bush’s public record and finds a disturbing array of White House whoppers. With biting wit and sharp-eyed skepticism, Corn finds a pattern of deception too sweeping and consistent to be dismissed casually as ‘spin’ or “misstatements.’ A valuable look at how often and effortlessly the man who campaigned on the lofty principles of ‘responsibility’ and ‘accountability’ has evaded both.”—Clarence Page, syndicated columnist for the Chicago Tribune
“One of the oddest aspects of the Bush presidency has been how reluctant journalists are to report that Bush lies. Reporters who jumped on Bill Clinton for disingenuous hair-splitting and piled on Al Gore for harmless exaggerations have given George W. Bush pass after pass after pass. No longer. Veteran journalist David Corn has collected all the glaring evidence. With flair, he skewers Bush and shows—beyond question—that the fellow in the White House has manhandled the truth about Iraq, the war on terrorism, tax cuts, global warming, stem cells, and other crucial issues, as well as his own past. Here are the lies you remember and the lies you don’t. Get ready to get mad. Corn has cut through the spin and crafted an important and powerful challenge to Bush and his crew.” —Molly Ivins, coauthor of Shrub and Bushwhacked --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
From Booklist
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B000FC1N0E
- Publisher : Crown (May 25, 2004)
- Publication date : May 25, 2004
- Language : English
- File size : 1005 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 368 pages
- Page numbers source ISBN : 1400050677
- Best Sellers Rank: #547,690 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #328 in 21st Century History of the U.S.
- #535 in Media Studies (Kindle Store)
- #866 in Federal Government
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

David Corn is a veteran Washington journalist and political commentator. He is the Washington bureau chief for Mother Jones magazine and an analyst for MSNBC. He is the author or co-author of four New York Times bestsellers, including the #1 bestseller Russian Roulette: The Inside Story of Putin's War on America and the Election of Donald Trump; Showdown: The Inside Story of How Obama Battled the GOP To Set Up the 2012 Election; and Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War. He is also the author of the Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades and the novel Deep Background.
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Corn begins this book by explaining to the reader that all U.S. presidents have done their fair share of lying and he provides examples for a few of them, making sure to cover both Republicans and Democrats so that the reader can see that he is not strictly anti- GOP. Then, he gets into the heart of the book by first presenting Bush's lies when he was governor, followed by Bush's countless lies he had told when he was a candidate for president, all the way through his first few years as president.
Corn devotes separate chapters to different areas of lying. There is a chapter or two on the Bush tax plan, one on his position on stem cell research, one on the Enron scandal, and a few others. But the topic that receives the most coverage in this book is that of the military and, more specifically, the war against Iraq. Corn shows the endless barrage of lies that came from the Bush White House during this time, starting with the fibs about the reasons to go to war (like the weapons of mass destruction claim), then leading to the grossly understated cost of the war and the dishonesty about the casualties and the peace process to rebuild the nation of Iraq.
In each chapter, Corn highlights some of the key lies in boldface text, and he places them before the paragraph that the quote appears. There are more lies in this book than just those told by George W. Bush himself. The lies include those told by other members of the Bush administration, like Powell, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and others.
Corn does an effective job in his uncovering of these many untruths and with his explanations about each lie. He presents the quote, then he backs up his claim that the quote was false by presenting other quotes and facts that directly contradict what the president or one of his team said. He manages to be respectful throughout the book (as respectful as an author can be, given the subject) and he points out that Bush has told the truth sometimes, too. But the main idea of this book is that Bush is as good of a liar as anyone who has ever held the White House and he will tell any lie necessary if it means getting what he wants.
If there is any complaint that I have about this book, it would have to be the fact that most of what it talks about is now old news. Most people already know about the deceptions and falsehoods surrounding the war against Iraq, the Bush tax plan, and other topics. Thus, for those readers who try to stay in tune with the latest political happenings, there won't be very much new to read in this book. Also, in some instances, Corn really seems to be splitting hairs. With a few of the quotes, he tries to make them out to be something far more radical than their speaker intended them to be.
I like the way Corn ends the book by presenting some possible explanations on why presidents and other politicians tell so many lies and why the media has been so soft on George W. Bush. Corn feels that journalists need to come down harder on the president and force him to admit the truth. This final chapter is good for those who want a little more insight on why lying is so commonplace and why no one does much about it, although it doesn't go very in- depth in finding an answer.
Politicians have always told lies. Nothing is going to change this fact in the foreseeable future. George W. Bush has told more than his share of presidential falsehoods and David Corn exposes many of them in this book, with analysis of each lie, along with facts and quotes to back up his assertion that George W. Bush is one of the greatest liars to ever occupy the oval office. The book isn't perfect, but Corn does present a good resource for the politically misinformed, showing how one man and his administrative team can effectively deceive and mislead the people and change the course of history in the process.
Corn, rather then being a shrill bush-baiter, writes in a calm dialogue about the many untrue things Bush has said. Bush's many falsehoods make Reagan's numerous lies about Iran/Contra look innocent by comparison. Buy Corn's book and check independently all of his accusations. You will find its a well researched, well documented book written in a tone that respects the reader. If all you have ever read are books like Ann Coulter's, who prints whoppers like the "NY Times never printed anything about the death of Dale Earnhardt" (they did, on day one, page one!) or that the father of a journalist she dislikes had run for president (he didn't) then you will be refreshingly surprised.
I knew David Corn by reputation and was aware that he had written this book. It met well my expectations.
My book is almost ready. It is written in Italian: though I am fluent in English, my (traditional) pubbisher is in Italy.
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